Another Betrayal by the UPA – this time on Missiles
Jaswant Singh
New Delhi, September 16:

President Bush has recently informed the US Congress of India’s ‘formal commitment’ to the ‘Missile Technology Control Regime’. This was done by the Ministry of External Affairs in ‘separate letters’ on September 8 and 9, 2008. This, to say the least, is an alarming announcement. When was this decision made by the UPA Government of virtually abandoning the country’s decades old indigenous programme of missile development?

The MTCR, let it be known, makes it mandatory upon its adherents to restrict the development of missiles, complete rocket systems, unmanned air vehicles and related technologies. It limits payloads to 500 kgs, and the range to just 300 kms. This Regime’s controls apply also to complete rocket systems (to include ballistic missiles, space launch vehicles and sounding rockets and unmanned air vehicle (UAV) systems (to include cruise missiles, drones, UAVs and remotely piloted vehicles).

The Government’s recent actions on the nuclear agreement, when assessed with this total surprise of ‘MTCR adherence’, and making the conduct of our foreign policy subservient to US interests, are singly and collectively, acts of grave national wrong.

In formally, committing in writing its adherence to the MTCR, Dr. Manmohan Singh has crippled, forever, the country’s missile development programme. This is a step that follows the already revealed crippling of the nation’s nuclear programme by this government.

Surely the Prime Minister owes an explanation to the Parliament and the country.



Emasculating our Armed Forces now?

It is by now well enough known that there are three agreements that lie on Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh’s table awaiting his signatures. They are in the category of ‘India-US Military Agreement’s. These are:

1. Logistic Support Agreement
   This is basically to provide US troops’ facilities for berthing, refueling, maintenance etc of all its military forces transiting through, or in India. This is supposedly to be reciprocal in nature, yet, about this aspect of ‘reciprocal’ let us not be deluded into assuming any equality between two unequals. Further, let it be reiterated that this envisaged agreement is part of the larger security cooperation including maritime, counter-terrorism, defence trade and efforts for a speedy conclusion of the Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty. Let this last, (under-scored), not either be overlooked or under-estimated.
   
   
2. Communications Interoperability and Security Memorandum of Agreement (CISMOA)
   Here, too, it is important to sound a loud cautionary note. Primarily, there would be a prior need here for the communication systems of the two countrys’ military to become mutually compatible. The fine-print of the agreement, therefore, becomes the starting point for establishing our correct position and realistically assessing this agreement.



3. End-Use Monitoring Agreement
   The aspect of any perpetual, ‘end-use’, physical inspection by US personnel of weapons and equipment purchased by India, will be extremely damaging to India’s security, also to our self-pride. This would be totally unacceptable to the country.


The objections cited above to the Military Agreement Programme of the UPA are the barest minimum; and though, our objections have not been detailed let Dr. Manmohan Singh be cautioned from rushing down this path. Please desist from this near total abandoning of India’s sovereign rights.